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Author Topic: Tyranny & Terrorism (Arab Culture)  (Read 3868 times)

Luck

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Re: 20th & 21st Century History of U.S. Tyranny & Terror
« Reply #15 on: September 28, 2016, 03:51:09 pm »

6. When Iraq Was Clinton’s War
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/05/war-iraq-bill-clinton-sanctions-desert-fox

Following Iraq’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on Iraq in an attempt to force a withdrawal. Even after Hussein pulled out, however, the US, which had a veto on the Security Council, refused to allow the sanctions to be lifted.

Their new rationale was that the restrictions were needed to  disarm Iraq. Yet as early as 1992 the US knew Iraq had given up its weapons of mass destruction, and the sanctions remained. And that’s how Clinton wanted it to stay. In 1997 he declared, “the sanctions will be there until the end of time or as long as he [Hussein] lasts.”

The embargo was war by other means. It not only banned weapons of battle, but technologies that ostensibly had military and civilian uses — like pencils, which the sanctions regime said could be fashioned into bullets.

The effects of the sanctions were catastrophic. Iraq experienced shortages of food, medicine, and clean drinking water. And a 1995 Lancet study sponsored by the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization concluded that 576,000 children under the age of five perished because of the policy, while a “conservative” estimate put the death toll for the same age group at 350,000.

Dennis Halliday, a thirty-four-year UN veteran, resigned from the organization in protest after spending a little over a year as the UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq. He said the sanctions constituted genocide.

... [W]hile Bush [Sr.] set the sanctions in motion, Clinton not only embraced them but used them as a tool of regime change. It is he who bears the lion’s share of responsibility for the death and suffering of countless Iraqis.
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Re: 20th & 21st Century History of U.S. Tyranny & Terror
« Reply #16 on: September 28, 2016, 04:17:48 pm »

7. Bush’s War of Terror, 9/11, Part 7
http://www.spingola.com/bush_war7.htm

... There were business ties between the bin Laden and the Bush families as recent as 1995 when the bin Ladens invested $2 million dollars into the Carlyle Group of which George H. W. Bush is a board member. The bin Laden and the Bush families apparently severed their relationship in October 2001. This was at the same time that the Carlyle Group went public with their privately held United Defense Industries, a defense contractor that produces missile launch systems – the ones that are on U.S. war ships in the Arabian Sea. [xi] This was also a month after several members of the bin Laden family left the United States, without being questioned about their relative – the prime suspect in the 9/11 attack. They left on a private jet before any one else was allowed to travel by air after 9/11.

So, it is no surprise that [FBI agent] John O’Neill was severely hampered in his attempts to investigate the bin Ladens. ... He felt that there were some treasonous activities in the highest levels of government and was threatening to go public. ... O’Neill resigned from the FBI on 22 August 2001 and began his new job in the private sector as the head of Security at the World Trade Center where he would make twice what he made at the FBI. Wonder who made him that lucrative offer? [Bush's brother owned the company that hired him.] John O’Neill was not the only FBI investigator who could have provided or tried to provide information that could have prevented the 9/11 attack. There were many forewarnings. Some of the warnings were legitimate and others were questionable....

Bush’s War of Terror, Mass Murder, Part 8
http://www.spingola.com/bush_war8.htm

There was a horrific crime committed on 9/11 – the mass murder of nearly three thousand people and thousands more injured. This catastrophic crime impacted every U.S. citizen on that day and in numerous ways in the months and years that followed. Our fears enabled an ever encroaching government to pass legislation designed to suspend many of our personal freedoms as well as create additional bureaucracy to further regulate our existence.

... The government would have us believe that a group of angry Arabs with superior crash course flying skills and some sort of clever manipulation (long distance hypnotism, a demon’s spell?) of emergency procedures of the CIA, FBI, the U.S. government and the U.S. military breached our advanced security. Yet, they were clumsy enough to leave personal items where they were sure to be found. What about that amazing indestructible passport? In 2001 thirty billion dollars was spent on gathering intelligence but it apparently was simply no match for this group, so we are told. And we were told over and over!

... Prior to 1967, Islamic fundamentalism was a relatively small movement. How did things get so out of control? There is a genuine reason why the Afghans and other Muslim fundamentalists hate us. It is a learned behavior – and the younger the student, the better. In the early 1980’s, the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) gave a taxpayer funded grant to the University of Nebraska-Omaha and it’s Center for Afghanistan Studies to develop specialized textbooks. For more than twenty years the U.S. has spent millions of dollars producing fanatical Islamic schoolbooks for distribution in Afghanistan, a country known for its terrorist training camps.

“The primers, which were filled with talk of jihad and featured drawings of guns, bullets, soldiers and mines, have served since the violent destruction of the Afghan secular government in the early 1990’s as the Afghan school system's core curriculum. Even the Taliban used the American-produced books.” [More recently] new textbooks substituted pomegranates and oranges for the violent illustrations. However, there is “no indication that the text has been changed.”
« Last Edit: September 28, 2016, 07:55:26 pm by Luck »
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Re: 20th & 21st Century History of U.S. Tyranny & Terror
« Reply #17 on: September 28, 2016, 07:56:02 pm »

8. U.S. Officials Created a False Link Between Iraq and 9/11
https://www.lewrockwell.com/2012/10/george-washington/u-s-officials-guilty-of-war-crimes-for-using-911-as-a-false-justification-for-the-iraq-war

[See also Lie by Lie: A Timeline of How We Got Into Iraq: Recalling how Americans were sold a bogus case for invasion
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/12/leadup-iraq-war-timeline ]

Journalist Ron Suskind reports that the White House ordered the CIA to forge and backdate a document falsely linking Iraq with Muslim terrorists and 9/11 and that the CIA complied with those instructions and in fact created the forgery, which was then used to justify war against Iraq. ... Suskind also revealed that u201CBush administration had information from a top Iraqi intelligence official u2018that there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq — intelligence they received in plenty of time to stop an invasion. ... Bush administration officials apparently swore in a lawsuit that Saddam was behind 9/11. ... On December 16, 2005, Bush admitted “There was no evidence that Saddam Hussein was involved with the attack of 9/11".

... [F]alse claims about Iraqi WMDs probably would not have gained traction if it wasn’t for the anti-Arab hysteria after September 11th. And the government policy of torture would not have been tolerated if we weren’t misled into thinking that Saddam and Al-Qaeda had formed an unholy, all-powerful alliance on 9/11, and had to be stopped at any cost.


See also The Imperial Presidency
https://www.lewrockwell.com/2005/12/tom-engelhardt/war-crimes-made-easy


Western wars have killed four million Muslims since 1990
http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/unworthy-victims-western-wars-have-killed-four-million-muslims-1990-39149394

The war on Iraq did not begin in 2003, but in 1991 with the first Gulf War, which was followed by the UN sanctions regime. An early PSR study by Beth Daponte, then a US government Census Bureau demographer, found that Iraq deaths caused by the direct and indirect impact of the first Gulf War amounted to around 200,000 Iraqis, mostly civilians. Meanwhile, her internal government study was suppressed.

After US-led forces pulled out, the war on Iraq continued in economic form through the US-UK imposed UN sanctions regime, on the pretext of denying Saddam Hussein the materials necessary to make weapons of mass destruction. Items banned from Iraq under this rationale included a vast number of items needed for everyday life. Undisputed UN figures show that 1.7 million Iraqi civilians died due to the West’s brutal sanctions regime, half of whom were children.

The mass death was seemingly intended. Among items banned by the UN sanctions were chemicals and equipment essential for Iraq’s national water treatment system. A secret US Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) document discovered by Professor Thomas Nagy of the School of Business at George Washington University amounted, he said, to “an early blueprint for genocide against the people of Iraq”.

... This means that in Iraq alone, the US-led war from 1991 to 2003 killed 1.9 million Iraqis; then from 2003 onwards around 1 million: totalling just under 3 million Iraqis dead over two decades.

... A retired biochemist at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Polya concludes that total avoidable Afghan deaths since 2001 under ongoing war and occupation-imposed deprivation amount to around 3 million people, about 900,000 of whom are infants under five. ... As with Iraq, US intervention in Afghanistan began long before 9/11 in the form of covert military, logistical and financial aid to the Taliban from around 1992 onwards. This US assistance propelled the Taliban’s violent conquest of nearly 90 percent of Afghan territory. ... The Soviet Union, of course, also bore responsibility for its role in devastating civilian infrastructure, thus paving the way for these deaths. Altogether, this suggests that the total Afghan death toll due to the direct and indirect impacts of US-led intervention since the early nineties until now could be as high 3-5 million.
« Last Edit: September 28, 2016, 08:18:23 pm by Luck »
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Re: 20th & 21st Century History of U.S. Tyranny & Terror
« Reply #18 on: September 28, 2016, 07:58:54 pm »

(Please read first the Gadaffi article excerpts at http://forum.freestateproject.org/index.php?topic=27566.msg299285#msg299285 and the series of article excerpts after that about the development of terrorism in the Middle East. This is probably the last in that series.)

9. US fired depleted uranium at civilian areas in 2003 Iraq war, report finds
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/19/us-depleted-uranium-weapons-civilian-areas-iraq

Coordinates revealing where US jets and tanks fired nearly 10,000 DU rounds in Iraq during the war in 2003 have been obtained by the Dutch peace group Pax. ... According to PAX's report ... the data shows that many of the DU rounds were fired in or near populated areas of Iraq, including As Samawah, Nasiriyah and Basrah.


Depleted Uranium Dust - Public Health Disaster For The People Of Iraq and Afghanistan (and our own military)
http://www.globalresearch.ca/depleted-uranium-far-worse-than-9-11/2374

Doctors in ... Iraq ... have numerous photos of infants born without brains, with their internal organs outside their bodies, without sexual organs, without spines, and the list of deformities goes on an on.  Such birth defects were extremely rare in Iraq prior to the large scale use of DU Weapons. Now they are commonplace. ... The photos are horrendous, they can be viewed on the following website: http://globalecho.org/www.xs4all.nl/~stgvisie/VISIE/extremedeformities.html


Torturing the Rule of Law
https://www.lewrockwell.com/2009/05/ron-paul/the-torture-crossroads

(I)nformation obtained under duress is incredibly unreliable, which is why it is not admissible in a court of law. Legally valid information is freely given by someone of sound mind and body. Someone in excruciating pain, or brought close to death by some horrific procedure is not in any state of mind to give reliable information, and certainly no actions should be taken solely based upon it.

For these reasons, it is illegal in the United States and illegal under Geneva Conventions. Simulated drowning, or water boarding, was not considered an exception to these laws when it was used by the Japanese against US soldiers in World War II. In fact, we hanged Japanese officers for war crimes in 1945 for water boarding. Its status as torture has already been decided by our own courts under this precedent. To look the other way now, when Americans do it, is the very definition of hypocrisy.

Matthew Alexander, author of How to Break a Terrorist used non-torture methods of interrogation in Iraq with much success. In fact, one cooperative jihadist told him, "I thought you would torture me, and when you didn’t, I decided that everything I was told about Americans was wrong. That’s why I decided to cooperate." Alexander also found that in Iraq “the No. 1 reason foreign fighters flocked there to fight were the abuses carried out at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo. Our policy of torture was directly and swiftly recruiting fighters for al-Qaeda in Iraq.” Alexander’s experiences unequivocally demonstrate that losing our humanity is not beneficial or necessary in fighting terror.

[But the psychopaths in power want people of different countries to fight and kill each other, with our help.]
« Last Edit: September 28, 2016, 08:08:53 pm by Luck »
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Re: 20th & 21st Century History of U.S. Tyranny & Terror
« Reply #19 on: September 30, 2016, 10:51:04 pm »

(Continued)
Additional History of U.S. Sponsorship of Middle East Terrorism

Al Qaeda: The [CIA] Data Base [of arms smugglers etc]
http://www.globalresearch.ca/al-qaeda-the-database-2/24738
This article originally published by Global Research in 2005 sheds light on the nature of Al Qaeda, an intelligence construct used by Washington to destabilize and destroy sovereign countries, while sustaining the illusion of  an outside enemy, which threatens the security of the Western World.

The CIA’s “Founding” of Al Qaeda Documented
http://www.veteranstoday.com/2013/04/20/the-cias-founding-of-al-qaeda-documented
President Carter's National Security Advisor Brzezinski explained that the CIA trained Muslim terrorists in Afghanistan starting in July 1979 in order to provoke the USSR to invade it, which they did in December 1979, to seek to protect the Afghan government which was pro-USSR.

9/11: Top FBI Al Qaeda Investigator, John O'Neill, Quits, Dies in WTC
http://www.wanttoknow.info/020114johnoneillfbi911wtcsecurity
This is one of many documents on the 9/11 summary to have disappeared since the WantToKnow.info site was established. The link to this article on the New Yorker website became inactive sometime between Februay and April 2007.

America Created Al-Qaeda and the ISIS Terror Group
http://www.globalresearch.ca/america-created-al-qaeda-and-the-isis-terror-group/5402881

Secret Pentagon Report Reveals US "Created" ISIS As A "Tool" To Overthrow Syria's President Assad
http://www.zerohedge.com/news/2015-05-23/secret-pentagon-report-reveals-us-created-isis-tool-overthrow-syrias-president-assad
« Last Edit: September 30, 2016, 11:10:51 pm by Luck »
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Luck

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Re: History of U.S. Tyranny & Terrorism
« Reply #20 on: October 06, 2016, 07:44:25 pm »

1713
(See Middle East History of U.S. terrorism above)

Colonial Slow Genocide: Palestinian Leader Abbas asks Britain for “Balfour” Apology
http://www.juancole.com/2016/09/colonial-genocide-palestinian.html

---

Irish: The forgotten white slaves
https://www.sott.net/article/329108-Irish-The-forgotten-white-slaves

The hidden origins of the wars in Korea and Vietnam [shows U.S.'s duplicity]
https://www.sott.net/article/329276-The-hidden-origins-of-the-wars-in-Korea-and-Vietnam

America's long history of support for Ukrainian fascists
https://www.sott.net/article/329594-Americas-long-history-of-support-for-Ukrainian-fascists

Over and over again, the military has conducted dangerous biowarfare experiments on Americans, without their knowledge
https://www.sott.net/article/329500-Clouds-of-secrecy-Over-and-over-again-the-military-has-conducted-dangerous-biowarfare-experiments-on-Americans-without-their-knowledge
« Last Edit: October 16, 2016, 07:27:33 pm by Luck »
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Re: History of U.S. Tyranny & Terrorism
« Reply #21 on: November 10, 2016, 11:25:34 pm »

1987 (views)
(Reposting this from the Statist News thread.)

Soon the world will discover HRC & Obama are at the center of the Syrian conflict, profited from the Clinton foundation, & ignored ISIS.
https://twitter.com/hectormorenco

Hector Morenco @hectormorenco
USAF Veteran, former Boy Scout, ... Conservative Independent, Political Essayist, & Policy Analyst.
Palo Alto, California

Soon the world will discover HRC & Obama are at the center of the Syrian conflict, profited from the Clinton foundation, & ignored ISIS.

Quatar & Saudis donated to the Clinton foundation while HRC was Sec. State. In exchange for the donations, the CIA was sent to Syria (2011).

CIA was behind a staged Arab spring uprising to attempt to topple Assad, because he was blocking the Quatar/Turkey pipeline plan.

ISIS formed by accident, and spiraled out of control but also provided cover for the Obama/HRC agenda of laudering bribes for the pipeline.

Emails on HRC's private server confirm these tragic events, and Obama & HRC thought they could pardon each other after the election.

Little did Obama/HRC realize that an auto-sync feature between Huma & Weiner inadvertently saved the deleted emails on Weiner's machine.

Trump in many ways is a sideshow to the brazen criminality & size & scope of the Obama admin & Clinton's corruption enterprise.

Russia also cut a deal with Assad to allow an alternative Iran pipeline to go through Syria in exchange for favorable OPEC votes & cash.

The cash payments from Iran were actually wealth transfers from Obama to Iran to Russia. Obama got pissed that the Iranian money went to Russia.

The Democrats were so irritated for being played by the Iranians and Russians that they now want to reignite the cold war against Russia.

These bombshells will be confirmed by Wikileaks/Dikileaks soon, but maybe not before the election. The volume of hacked material is massive.

If HRC wins then Obama & the Clinton's will pull off the largest heist in the history of the world. That's how important this election is.

This high level heist leaving millions dead is also why HRC wants to assasinate Assange & why Obama sent Kerry to Ecuador. Now its too late.

The larger story is how many insiders fighting for insiders there are. All of the MSM is getting a piece of the action from Obama/HRC.

When Trump talks about "Draining the Swamp" he is right, & has risked his life going against the entire world's corrupt power structure.
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Re: Tyranny & Terrorism (Help Muslims Reform)
« Reply #22 on: March 06, 2017, 10:50:08 pm »

2680

POLITICAL ACTIVISM

Help Muslims Reform

The best translation of the Quran may be this one:
http://www.studyquran.org/resources/Quran_Reformist_Translation.pdf

The author says Sharia law is not in the Quran, but is phoney, like much of Islam. The author wrote the article called "Muslims either Reform or become Extinct" at http://19.org/blog/reform . Below is the final part of that article.

Muslims either Reform or become Extinct
Edip Yuksel*
http://www.19.org

I have written more than 30 books in Turkish and English on religion, philosophy, politics and law. But the most important ones are the two translations: I have translated the Quran into both Turkish and English languages. As I have demonstrated in my books, especially in the introduction and endnotes of Quran: a Reformist Translation, if Moses, Jesus, and Muhammad were back today, Jews would condemn the first as Anti-Semite, Christians would denounce the second as Anti-Christ, and Muslims would revile the third as the Dajjal, the imposter. Most of what you know about “Islam” (Peacemaking) has nothing to do with the rational, liberating, progressive and peaceful system delivered by Muhammad, which is no different than the original message delivered by all messengers. They all delivered the message of peacefully surrendering to the Truth, to the Just, to the Loving, to the Peaceful, to Compassionate God to establish peace among humans.

In short, the so-called two billion muslim ummah [community] is sick, very sick. We are intoxicated with religious and historic lies, which are 175° proof. We are terribly afflicted with endemic polytheism, ignorance, violence, oppression, pseudoscience, superstitions, misogyny, intolerance, racism, jingoism, economic inequality, poverty, nepotism, corruption, tyranny, delusion, logical fallacies, hypocrisy…. Find all the bad words from a dictionary and we have plenty of all those in our homes, mosques, streets, and governments… Mosques, madrasas, schools, streets and homes continuously produce sick people. Individualism, critical and creative thinking and self-confidence is killed in early age by fathers, teachers, and religious leaders whose role models are authoritative [authoritarian], cruel, bigoted and psychopathic historic characters.

The end is near; either we will become extinct like Neanderthals or we reform ourselves. How? By becoming critical thinkers and questioning the dogmas that have turned us into zombies, barbarians, and the clowns of the world. We can no more afford of doing nothing but blaming the Western world, which might be foolishly enjoying our demise.

*Edip Yüksel, J.D. is a Kurdish/Turkish/American author residing in Arizona. He teaches philosophy and promotes Islamic reform.
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Luck

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Re: Tyranny & Terrorism (Arab Culture)
« Reply #23 on: May 27, 2017, 03:01:15 pm »

Why Arabs Lose Wars (1 of 4 posts)

by Norvell B. De Atkine
Middle East Quarterly December 1999

U.S. General Norman Schwarzkopf (left) and Iraqi Lt-General Sultan Hashim Ahmed salute each other following the formal surrender of Iraq to U.S.-led coalition forces in 1991.

Arabic-speaking armies have been generally ineffective in the modern era. Egyptian regular forces did poorly against Yemeni irregulars in the 1960s.1 Syrians could only impose their will in Lebanon during the mid-1970s by the use of overwhelming weaponry and numbers.2 Iraqis showed ineptness against an Iranian military ripped apart by revolutionary turmoil in the 1980s and could not win a three-decades-long war against the Kurds.3 The Arab military performance on both sides of the 1990 Kuwait war was mediocre.4 And the Arabs have done poorly in nearly all the military confrontations with Israel. Why this unimpressive record? There are many factors—economic, ideological, technical—but perhaps the most important has to do with culture and certain societal attributes which inhibit Arabs from producing an effective military force.

It is a truism of military life that an army fights as it trains, and so I draw on my many years of firsthand observation of Arabs in training to draw conclusions about the ways in which they go into combat. The following impressions derive from personal experience with Arab military establishments in the capacity of U.S. military attaché and security assistance officer, observer officer with the British-officer Trucial Oman Scouts (the security force in the emirates prior to the establishment of the United Arab Emirates), as well as some thirty year's study of the Middle East.
False Starts

Including culture in strategic assessments has a poor legacy, for it has often been spun from an ugly brew of ignorance, wishful thinking, and mythology. Thus, the U.S. army in the 1930s evaluated the Japanese national character as lacking originality and drew the unwarranted conclusion that the country would be permanently disadvantaged in technology.5 Hitler dismissed the United States as a mongrel society6 and consequently underestimated the impact of America's entry into the war. As these examples suggest, when culture is considered in calculating the relative strengths and weaknesses of opposing forces, it tends to lead to wild distortions, especially when it is a matter of understanding why states unprepared for war enter into combat flushed with confidence. The temptation is to impute cultural attributes to the enemy state that negate its superior numbers or weaponry. Or the opposite: to view the potential enemy through the prism of one's own cultural norms. American strategists assumed that the pain threshold of the North Vietnamese approximated their own and that the air bombardment of the North would bring it to its knees.7 Three days of aerial attacks were thought to be all the Serbs could withstand; in fact, seventy-eight days were needed.

It is particularly dangerous to make facile assumptions about abilities in warfare based on past performance, for societies evolve and so does the military subculture with it. The dismal French performance in the 1870 Franco-Prussian war led the German high command to an overly optimistic assessment prior to World War I.8 The tenacity and courage of French soldiers in World War I led everyone from Winston Churchill to the German high command vastly to overestimate the French army's fighting abilities.9 Israeli generals underestimated the Egyptian army of 1973 based on Egypt's hapless performance in the 1967 war.10

Culture is difficult to pin down. It is not synonymous with an individual's race nor ethnic identity. The history of warfare makes a mockery of attempts to assign rigid cultural attributes to individuals—as the military histories of the Ottoman and Roman empires illustrate. In both cases it was training, discipline, esprit, and élan which made the difference, not the individual soldiers' origin.11 The highly disciplined, effective Roman legions, for example, were recruited from throughout the Roman empire, and the elite Ottoman Janissaries (slave soldiers) were Christians forcibly recruited as boys from the Balkans.
The Role of Culture

These problems notwithstanding, culture does need to be taken into account. Indeed, awareness of prior mistakes should make it possible to assess the role of cultural factors in warfare. John Keegan, the eminent historian of warfare, argues that culture is a prime determinant of the nature of warfare. In contrast to the usual manner of European warfare which he terms "face to face," Keegan depicts the early Arab armies in the Islamic era as masters of evasion, delay, and indirection.12 Examining Arab warfare in this century leads to the conclusion that Arabs remain more successful in insurgent, or political warfare13—what T. E. Lawrence termed "winning wars without battles."14 Even the much-lauded Egyptian crossing of the Suez in 1973 at its core entailed a masterful deception plan. It may well be that these seemingly permanent attributes result from a culture that engenders subtlety, indirection, and dissimulation in personal relationships.15

Along these lines, Kenneth Pollack concludes his exhaustive study of Arab military effectiveness by noting that "certain patterns of behavior fostered by the dominant Arab culture were the most important factors contributing to the limited military effectiveness of Arab armies and air forces from 1945 to 1991."16 These attributes included over-centralization, discouraging initiative, lack of flexibility, manipulation of information, and the discouragement of leadership at the junior officer level.

The barrage of criticism leveled at Samuel Huntington's notion of a "clash of civilizations"17 in no way lessens the vital point he made—that however much the grouping of peoples by religion and culture rather than political or economic divisions offends academics who propound a world defined by class, race, and gender, it is a reality, one not diminished by modern communications.

But how does one integrate the study of culture into military training? At present, it has hardly any role. Paul M. Belbutowski, a scholar and former member of the U.S. Delta Force, succinctly stated a deficiency in our own military education system: "Culture, comprised of all that is vague and intangible, is not generally integrated into strategic planning except at the most superficial level."18 And yet it is precisely "all that is vague and intangible" which defines low-intensity conflicts. The Vietnamese communists did not fight the war the United States had trained for, nor did the Chechens and Afghans fight the war the Russians prepared for. This entails far more than simply retooling weaponry and retraining soldiers. It requires an understanding of the enemy's cultural mythology, history, attitude toward time, etc.—demanding a more substantial investment in time and money than a bureaucratic organization is likely to authorize.

Mindful of walking through a minefield of past errors and present cultural sensibilities, I offer some assessments of the role of culture in the military training of Arabic-speaking officers. I confine myself principally to training for two reasons. First, I observed much training but only one combat campaign (the Jordanian Army against the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1970). Secondly, armies fight as they train. Troops are conditioned by peacetime habits, policies, and procedures; they do not undergo a sudden metamorphosis that transforms civilians in uniform into warriors. General George Patton was fond of relating the story about Julius Caesar, who "In the winter time ... so trained his legions in all that became soldiers and so habituated them to the proper performance of their duties, that when in the spring he committed them to battle against the Gauls, it was not necessary to give them orders, for they knew what to do and how to do it."19

« Last Edit: May 27, 2017, 03:02:53 pm by Luck »
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Re: Tyranny & Terrorism (Arab Culture)
« Reply #24 on: May 27, 2017, 03:04:36 pm »

Information as Power (#2 of 4 posts)

In every society information is a means of making a living or wielding power, but Arabs husband information and hold it especially tightly. U.S. trainers have often been surprised over the years by the fact that information provided to key personnel does not get much further than them. Having learned to perform some complicated procedure, an Arab technician knows that he is invaluable so long as he is the only one in a unit to have that knowledge; once he dispenses it to others he no longer is the only font of knowledge and his power dissipates. This explains the commonplace hoarding of manuals, books, training pamphlets, and other training or logistics literature. On one occasion, an American mobile training team working with armor in Egypt at long last received the operators' manuals that had laboriously been translated into Arabic. The American trainers took the newly-minted manuals straight to the tank park and distributed them to the tank crews. Right behind them, the company commander, a graduate of the armor school at Fort Knox and specialized courses at the Aberdeen Proving Grounds ordnance school, collected the manuals from the crews. Questioned why he did this, the commander said that there was no point in giving them to the drivers because enlisted men could not read. In point of fact, he did not want enlisted men to have an independent source of knowledge. Being the only person who can explain the fire control instrumentation or boresight artillery weapons brings prestige and attention. In military terms this means that very little cross-training is accomplished and that, for instance in a tank crew, the gunners, loaders, and drivers might be proficient in their jobs but are not prepared to fill in for a casualty. Not understanding one another's jobs also inhibits a smoothly functioning crew. At a higher level it means there is no depth in technical proficiency.

Education Problems

Training tends to be unimaginative, cut and dried, and not challenging. Because the Arab educational system is predicated on rote memorization, officers have a phenomenal ability to commit vast amounts of knowledge to memory. The learning system tends to consist of on-high lectures, with students taking voluminous notes and being examined on what they were told. (It also has interesting implications for foreign instructors; for example, his credibility is diminished if he must resort to a book.) The emphasis on memorization has a price, and that is in diminished ability to reason or engage in analysis based upon general principles. Thinking outside the box is not encouraged; doing so in public can damage a career. Instructors are not challenged and neither, in the end, are students.

Head-to-head competition among individuals is generally avoided, at least openly, for it means that someone wins and someone else loses, with the loser humiliated. This taboo has particular import when a class contains mixed ranks. Education is in good part sought as a matter of personal prestige, so Arabs in U.S. military schools take pains to ensure that the ranking member, according to military position or social class, scores the highest marks in the class. Often this leads to "sharing answers" in class—often in a rather overt manner or junior officers concealing scores higher than their superior's.

American military instructors dealing with Middle Eastern students learn to ensure that, before directing any question to a student in a classroom situation, particularly if he is an officer, the student does possess the correct answer. If this is not assured, the officer will feel he has been set up for public humiliation. Furthermore, in the often-paranoid environment of Arab political culture, he will believe this setup to have been purposeful. This student will then become an enemy of the instructor and his classmates will become apprehensive about their also being singled out for humiliation—and learning becomes impossible.

Officers vs. Soldiers

Arab junior officers are well trained on the technical aspects of their weapons and tactical know-how, but not in leadership, a subject given little attention. For example, as General Sa'd ash-Shazli, the Egyptian chief of staff, noted in his assessment of the army he inherited prior to the 1973 war, they were not trained to seize the initiative or volunteer original concepts or new ideas.20 Indeed, leadership may be the greatest weakness of Arab training systems. This problem results from two main factors: a highly accentuated class system bordering on a caste system, and lack of a non-commissioned-officer development program.

Most Arab officers treat enlisted soldiers like sub-humans. When the winds in Egypt one day carried biting sand particles from the desert during a demonstration for visiting U.S. dignitaries, I watched as a contingent of soldiers marched in and formed a single rank to shield the Americans; Egyptian soldiers, in other words, are used on occasion as nothing more than a windbreak. The idea of taking care of one's men is found only among the most elite units in the Egyptian military. On a typical weekend, officers in units stationed outside Cairo will get in their cars and drive off to their homes, leaving the enlisted men to fend for themselves by trekking across the desert to a highway and flagging down busses or trucks to get to the Cairo rail system. Garrison cantonments have no amenities for soldiers. The same situation, in various degrees, exists elsewhere in the Arabic-speaking countries—less so in Jordan, even more so in Iraq and Syria.

The young draftees who make up the bulk of the Egyptian army hate military service for good reason and will do almost anything, including self-mutilation, to avoid it. In Syria the wealthy buy exemptions or, failing that, are assigned to noncombatant organizations. As a young Syrian told me, his musical skills came from his assignment to a Syrian army band where he learned to play an instrument. In general, the militaries of the Fertile Crescent enforce discipline by fear; in countries where a tribal system still is in force, such as Saudi Arabia, the innate egalitarianism of the society mitigates against fear as the prime motivator, so a general lack of discipline pervades.21

The social and professional gap between officers and enlisted men is present in all armies, but in the United States and other Western forces, the noncommissioned officer (NCO) corps bridges it. Indeed, a professional NCO corps has been critical for the American military to work at its best; as the primary trainers in a professional army, NCOs are critical to training programs and to the enlisted men's sense of unit esprit. Most of the Arab world either has no NCO corps or it is non-functional, severely handicapping the military's effectiveness. With some exceptions, NCOs are considered in the same low category as enlisted men and so do not serve as a bridge between enlisted men and officers. Officers instruct but the wide social gap between enlisted man and officer tends to make the learning process perfunctory, formalized, and ineffective. The show-and-tell aspects of training are frequently missing because officers refuse to get their hands dirty and prefer to ignore the more practical aspects of their subject matter, believing this below their social station. A dramatic example of this occurred during the Gulf war when a severe windstorm blew down the tents of Iraqi officer prisoners of war. For three days they stayed in the wind and rain rather than be observed by enlisted prisoners in a nearby camp working with their hands.

The military price for this is very high. Without the cohesion supplied by NCOs, units tend to disintegrate in the stress of combat. This is primarily a function of the fact that the enlisted soldiers simply do not trust their officers. Once officers depart the training areas, training begins to fall apart as soldiers begin drifting off. An Egyptian officer once explained to me that the Egyptian army's catastrophic defeat in 1967 resulted from a lack of cohesion within units. The situation, he said, had only marginally improved in 1973. Iraqi prisoners in 1991 showed a remarkable fear and enmity toward their officers.
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Re: Tyranny & Terrorism (Arab Culture)
« Reply #25 on: May 27, 2017, 03:05:59 pm »

Decision-making and Responsibility (#3 or 4 posts)

Decisions are made and delivered from on high, with very little lateral communication. This leads to a highly centralized system, with authority hardly ever delegated. Rarely does an officer make a critical decision on his own; instead, he prefers the safe course of being identified as industrious, intelligent, loyal—and compliant. Bringing attention to oneself as an innovator or someone prone to make unilateral decisions is a recipe for trouble. As in civilian life, conformism is the overwhelming societal norm; the nail that stands up gets hammered down. Orders and information flow from top to bottom; they are not to be reinterpreted, amended, or modified in any way.

U.S. trainers often experience frustration obtaining a decision from a counterpart, not realizing that the Arab officer lacks the authority to make the decision—a frustration amplified by the Arab's understandable reluctance to admit that he lacks that authority. This author has several times seen decisions that could have been made at the battalion level concerning such matters as class meeting times and locations requiring approval from the ministry of defense. All of which has led American trainers to develop a rule of thumb: a sergeant first class in the U.S. Army has as much authority as a colonel in an Arab army. Methods of instruction and subject matter are dictated from higher authorities. Unit commanders have very little to say about these affairs. The politicized nature of the Arab militaries means that political factors weigh heavily and frequently override military considerations. Officers with initiative and a predilection for unilateral action pose a threat to the regime. This can be seen not just at the level of national strategy but in every aspect of military operations and training. If Arab militaries became less politicized and more professional in preparation for the 1973 war with Israel,22 once the fighting ended, old habits returned. Now, an increasingly bureaucratized military establishment weighs in as well. A veteran of the Pentagon turf wars will feel like a kindergartner when he encounters the rivalries that exist in the Arab military headquarters.

Taking responsibility for a policy, operation, status, or training program rarely occurs. U.S. trainers can find it very frustrating when they repeatedly encounter Arab officers placing blame for unsuccessful operations or programs on the U.S. equipment or some other outside source. A high rate of non-operational U.S. equipment is blamed on a "lack of spare parts"—pointing a finger at an unresponsive U.S. supply system despite the fact that American trainers can document ample supplies arriving in country and disappearing in a malfunctioning supply system. (Such criticism was never caustic or personal and often so indirect and politely delivered that it wasn't until after a meeting that oblique references were understood.) This imperative works even at the most exalted levels. During the Kuwait war, Iraqi forces took over the town of Khafji in northeast Saudi Arabia after the Saudis had evacuated the place. General Khalid bin Sultan, the Saudi ground forces commander, requested a letter from General Norman Schwarzkopf, stating it was the U.S. general who ordered an evacuation from the Saudi town.23 And in his account of the Khafji battle, General Bin Sultan predictably blames the Americans for the Iraqi occupation of the town.24 In reality the problem was that the light Saudi forces in the area left the battlefield.25 The Saudis were in fact outgunned and outnumbered by the Iraqi unit approaching Khafji but Saudi pride required that foreigners be blamed.

As for equipment, a vast cultural gap exists between the U.S. and Arab maintenance and logistics systems. The Arab difficulties with U.S. equipment are not, as sometimes simplistically believed, a matter of "Arabs don't do maintenance," but something much deeper. The American concept of a weapons system does not convey easily. A weapons system brings with it specific maintenance and logistics procedures, policies, and even a philosophy, all of them based on U.S. culture, with its expectations of a certain educational level, sense of small unit responsibility, tool allocation, and doctrine. Tools that would be allocated to a U.S. battalion (a unit of some 600-800 personnel) would most likely be found at a much higher level—probably two or three echelons higher—in an Arab army. The expertise, initiative and, most importantly, the trust indicated by delegation of responsibility to a lower level are rare. The U.S. equipment and its maintenance are predicated on a concept of repair at the lowest level and therefore require delegation of authority. Without the needed tools, spare parts, or expertise available to keep equipment running, and loathe to report bad news to his superiors, the unit commander looks for scapegoats. All this explains why I many times heard in Egypt that U.S. weaponry is "too delicate."

I have observed many in-country U.S. survey teams: invariably, hosts make the case for acquiring the most modern of military hardware and do everything to avoid issues of maintenance, logistics, and training. They obfuscate and mislead to such an extent that U.S. teams, no matter how earnest their sense of mission, find it nearly impossible to help. More generally, Arab reluctance to be candid about training deficiencies makes it extremely difficult for foreign advisors properly to support instruction or assess training needs.

Combined Arms Operations

A lack of cooperation is most apparent in the failure of all Arab armies to succeed at combined arms operations. A regular Jordanian army infantry company, for example, is man-for-man as good as a comparable Israeli company; at battalion level, however, the coordination required for combined arms operations, with artillery, air, and logistics support, is simply absent. Indeed, the higher the echelon, the greater the disparity. This results from infrequent combined arms training; when it does take place, it is intended to impress visitors (which it does—the dog-and-pony show is usually done with uncommon gusto and theatrical talent) rather than provide real training.

This problem results from three main factors. First, the well-known lack of trust among Arabs for anyone outside their own family adversely affects offensive operations.26 Exceptions to this pattern are limited to elite units (which throughout the Arab world have the same duty—to protect the regime, rather than the country). In a culture in which almost every sphere of human endeavor, including business and social relationships, is based on a family structure, this orientation is also present in the military, particularly in the stress of battle. Offensive action, basically, consists of fire and maneuver. The maneuver element must be confident that supporting units or arms are providing covering fire. If there is a lack of trust in that support, getting troops moving forward against dug-in defenders is possible only by officers getting out front and leading, something that has not been a characteristic of Arab leadership.

Second, the complex mosaic system of peoples creates additional problems for training, as rulers in the Middle East make use of the sectarian and tribal loyalties to maintain power. The 'Alawi minority controls Syria, East Bankers control Jordan, Sunnis control Iraq, and Nejdis control Saudi Arabia. This has direct implications for the military, where sectarian considerations affect assignments and promotions. Some minorities (such the Circassians in Jordan or the Druze in Syria) tie their well-being to the ruling elite and perform critical protection roles; others (such as the Shi'a of Iraq) are excluded from the officer corps. In any case, the assignment of officers based on sectarian considerations works against assignments based on merit.

The same lack of trust operates at the interstate level, where Arab armies exhibit very little trust of each other, and with good reason. The blatant lie Gamal Abdel Nasser told King Husayn in June 1967 to get him into the war against Israel—that the Egyptian air force was over Tel Aviv (when most of its planes had been destroyed)—was a classic example of deceit.27 Sadat's disingenuous approach to the Syrians to entice them to enter the war in October 1973 was another (he told them that the Egyptians were planning total war, a deception which included using a second set of operational plans intended only for Syrian eyes).28 With this sort of history, it is no wonder that there is very little cross or joint training among Arab armies and very few command exercises. During the 1967 war, for example, not a single Jordanian liaison officer was stationed in Egypt, nor were the Jordanians forthcoming with the Egyptian command.29
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Re: Tyranny & Terrorism (Arab Culture)
« Reply #26 on: May 27, 2017, 03:07:12 pm »

(#4 of 4 posts)

Third, Middle Eastern rulers routinely rely on balance-of-power techniques to maintain their authority.30 They use competing organizations, duplicate agencies, and coercive structures dependent upon the ruler's whim. This makes building any form of personal power base difficult, if not impossible, and keeps the leadership apprehensive and off-balance, never secure in its careers or social position. The same applies within the military; a powerful chairman of the joint chiefs is inconceivable.

Joint commands are paper constructs that have little actual function. Leaders look at joint commands, joint exercises, combined arms, and integrated staffs very cautiously for all Arab armies are a double-edged sword. One edge points toward the external enemy and the other toward the capital. The land forces are at once a regime-maintenance force and threat at the same time. No Arab ruler will allow combined operations or training to become routine; the usual excuse is financial expense, but that is unconvincing given their frequent purchase of hardware whose maintenance costs they cannot afford. In fact, combined arms exercises and joint staffs create familiarity, soften rivalries, erase suspicions, and eliminate the fragmented, competing organizations that enable rulers to play off rivals against one another. This situation is most clearly seen in Saudi Arabia, where the land forces and aviation are under the minister of defense, Prince Sultan, while the National Guard is under Prince Abdullah, the deputy prime minister and crown prince. In Egypt, the Central Security Forces balance the army. In Iraq and Syria, the Republican Guard does the balancing.

Politicians actually create obstacles to maintain fragmentation. For example, obtaining aircraft from the air force for army airborne training, whether it is a joint exercise or a simple administrative request for support of training, must generally be coordinated by the heads of services at the ministry of defense; if a large number of aircraft are involved, this probably requires presidential approval. Military coups may be out of style, but the fear of them remains strong. Any large-scale exercise of land forces is a matter of concern to the government and is closely observed, particularly if live ammunition is being used. In Saudi Arabia a complex system of clearances required from area military commanders and provincial governors, all of whom have differing command channels to secure road convoy permission, obtaining ammunition, and conducting exercises, means that in order for a coup to work, it would require a massive amount of loyal conspirators. Arab regimes have learned how to be coup-proof.

Security and Paranoia

Arab regimes classify virtually everything vaguely military. Information the U.S. military routinely publishes (about promotions, transfers, names of unit commanders, and unit designations) is top secret in Arabic-speaking countries. To be sure, this does make it more difficult for the enemy to construct an accurate order of battle, but it also feeds the divisive and compartmentalized nature of the military forces. The obsession with security can reach ludicrous lengths. Prior to the 1973 war, Sadat was surprised to find that within two weeks of the date he had ordered the armed forces be ready for war, his minister of war, General Muhammad Sadiq, had failed to inform his immediate staff of the order. Should a war, Sadat wondered, be kept secret from the very people expected to fight it?31 One can expect to have an Arab counterpart or key contact to be changed without warning and with no explanation as to his sudden absence. This might well be simply a transfer a few doors down the way, but the vagueness of it all leaves foreigners with dire scenarios—scenarios that might be true. And it is best not to inquire too much; advisors or trainers who seem overly inquisitive may find their access to host military information or facilities limited.

The presumed close U.S.-Israel relationship, thought to be operative at all levels, aggravates and complicates this penchant for secrecy. Arabs believe that the most mundane details about them are somehow transmitted to the Mossad via a secret hotline.This explains why a U.S. advisor with Arab forces is likely to be asked early and often about his opinion of the "Palestine problem," then subjected to monologues on the presumed Jewish domination of the United States.

Indifference to Safety

In terms of safety measures, there is a general laxness, a seeming carelessness and indifference to training accidents, many of which could have been prevented by minimal efforts. To the (perhaps overly) safety-conscious Americans, Arab societies appear indifferent to casualties and show a seemingly lackadaisical approach to training safety. There are a number of explanations for this. Some would point to the inherent fatalism within Islam,32 and certainly anyone who has spent considerable time in Arab taxis would lend credence to that theory, but perhaps the reason is less religiously based and more a result of political culture. As any military veteran knows, the ethos of a unit is set at the top; or, as the old saying has it, units do those things well that the boss cares about. When the top political leadership displays a complete lack of concern for the welfare of its soldiers, such attitudes percolate down through the ranks. Exhibit A was the betrayal of Syrian troops fighting Israel in the Golan in 1967: having withdrawn its elite units, the Syrian government knowingly broadcast the falsehood that Israeli troops had captured the town of Kuneitra, which would have put them behind the largely conscript Syrian army still in position. The leadership took this step to pressure the great powers to impose a truce, though it led to a panic by the Syrian troops and the loss of the Golan Heights.33

Conclusion

It would be difficult to exaggerate the cultural gulf separating American and Arab military cultures. In every significant area, American military advisors find students who enthusiastically take in their lessons and then resolutely fail to apply them. The culture they return to—the culture of their own armies in their own countries—defeats the intentions with which they took leave of their American instructors.

When they had an influence on certain Arab military establishments, the Soviets reinforced their clients' cultural traits far more than, in more recent years, Americans were able to. Like the Arabs', the Soviets' military culture was driven by political fears bordering on paranoia. The steps taken to control the sources (real or imagined) of these fears, such as a rigidly centralized command structure, were readily understood by Arab political and military elites. The Arabs, too, felt an affinity for the Soviet officer class's contempt for ordinary soldiers and the Soviet military hierarchy's distrust of a well-developed, well-appreciated, well-rewarded NCO corps.

Arab political culture is based on a high degree of social stratification, very much like that of the defunct Soviet Union and very much unlike the upwardly mobile, meritocratic, democratic United States. Arab officers do not see any value in sharing information among themselves, let alone with their men. In this they follow the example of their political leaders, who not only withhold information from their own allies, but routinely deceive them. Training in Arab armies reflects this: rather than prepare as much as possible for the multitude of improvised responsibilities that are thrown up in the chaos of battle, Arab soldiers, and their officers, are bound in the narrow functions assigned them by their hierarchy. That this renders them less effective on the battlefield, let alone places their lives at greater risk, is scarcely of concern, whereas, of course, these two issues are dominant in the American military culture, and are reflected in American military training.

Change is unlikely to come until it occurs in the larger Arab political culture, although the experience of other societies (including our own) suggests that the military can have a democratizing influence on the larger political culture, as officers bring the lessons of their training first into their professional environment, then into the larger society. It obviously makes a big difference, however, when the surrounding political culture is not only avowedly democratic (as are many Middle Eastern states), but functionally so. Until Arab politics begin to change at fundamental levels, Arab armies, whatever the courage or proficiency of individual officers and men, are unlikely to acquire the range of qualities which modern fighting forces require for success on the battlefield. For these qualities depend on inculcating respect, trust, and openness among the members of the armed forces at all levels, and this is the marching music of modern warfare that Arab armies, no matter how much they emulate the corresponding steps, do not want to hear.

Norvell De Atkine, a U.S. Army retired colonel with eight years residence in Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt, and a graduate degree in Arab studies from the American University of Beirut, is currently instructing U.S. Army personnel assigned to Middle Eastern areas. The opinions expressed here are strictly his own.

References:
http://www.meforum.org/441/why-arabs-lose-wars
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